2. Acts that aim to destroy or change the shape of government or state institutions, as well as acts that endanger the King or the Royal Family, are punishable by imprisonment of 20 to 30 years.

3. Belgium is a federal State consisting of the territories of Wallonia, Flanders and Brussels, which have certain autonomy, but their separation from the State is not intended. There was an independence movement in Wallonia and Flanders. The far-right Vlaams Belang party defends the independence of the first region and has 18 seats in the DPR. There’s also a move reunionseeking the integration of the francophone region in France.

France

attack and resistance. 1. The Criminal Code regulates the crimes of rebellion and assault or resistance, but not such incitement. Both refer to acts of a violent nature. The first is against public order and authority and the second is against institutions and territorial integrity.

2. Rebellion is punishable by two years in prison, but if carried out in groups it can be up to three years. Armed rebellion, depending on whether it is carried out alone or in groups, carries a penalty of between five and ten years in prison. For its part, such attacks are punishable by up to 30 years in prison and if carried out by public authorities are punishable by life imprisonment.

3. Article 1 of the Constitution states that the French Republic is indivisible. The President of the Republic is the guarantor of independence and territorial integrity. The government has been willing to discuss an autonomy law for Corsica, but for this it is necessary to reform the Constitution.

great Britain

obsolete crime. 1. The Sedition Act, which prohibits any act, speech or publication made for the purpose of sedition, was abolished in 2009 by the then Labor government of Gordon Brown. They are considered an obsolete crime in a country where freedom of expression prevails. The government argues that UK sedition laws are actively used, as a reference in other jurisprudence, to suppress political dissent and limit press freedom. The National Crime Agency asked Spain for clarification when Agung requested the extradition of politician Clara Ponsat (then in Scotland) on charges of sedition.

2. There is no known rebellion against the rule of law and constitutional order in England in modern times.

3. The right to self-determination has existed in the State since the Government held a referendum in Northern Ireland in March 1973 so that voters can decide whether they wish to continue in the United Kingdom or rejoin the Republic of Ireland. The first consultations on the possible split of the British states served as a reference—and precedent, some argue—for the independence referendum approved by David Cameron’s Conservative government in Scotland in 2014. The issue is currently being debated in court. , with a request from the Scottish Attorney General for the UK Supreme Court to decide whether the right to hold a new referendum rests with the Scottish Parliament.

CGPJ officials must report on reforms

The crossroads between reforms that have been delayed for nearly four years by the General Council of Justice and reforms – also pending, accepting President Sánchez’s commitments as good – the crime of sedition continues to confront the Government and PP in a dispute that seems today an impossible solution. Where some see at the crossroads of the two issues the umpteenth popular reason for continuing to block CGPJ updates, those referred to interpreting it as evidence, unreachable to them, that Sánchez intends to play double-deck to agree on one thing. with the opposition and others, with the Catalan separatists. With a burning struggle, The Council is preparing for its hibernation to be extended to other legislatures. And with derivatives that have a hitch, by combining their paralysis with the potential for the Executive’s proposal to soften sedition.

Starting with the latter, the eventual modification by the Council of Ministers of the Penal Code’s transcendence law will require, like any other comparablefrom mandatory but non-binding reports from CGPJ. That is to say, this Council, in terms of socialists and the people raised their swords and proceeded without carrying out the constitutional mandate to renew in a timely manner the governing body of the Judiciary, whose members presided over a decade in their accusations. . The crisis created was unprecedented. But the waste will be exacerbated if the mandate is extended not until the legislative term is scheduled one year from now, but until a future Executive is formed, at which point CGPJ members will spend more time in interim than in performance. their duties within the legal term. In the midst of this extraordinary The icing on the cake is that this Council should evaluate the hypothetical reforms of incitement, stone in the shoe that has solved the talks between the Government and PP about the actualization of the consultative body.

This, however, is anecdotal, despite the size of the entanglement in which the institutional order found itself due to the collapse of the powers of the three States due to partisan disagreements. Nuk now. Given the wear and tear that the CGPJ was subjected to – the members did not hide their concern about the body-threatening disgrace -, the government of judges found a way to lessen the effects of the disarmed blockade. to make appointments, except for two pending appointments of the Constitutional Court. And it handcuff Supreme with 800 sentences without dictating.

Destined to reach an easy stalemate as long as the dispute between the Executive and PP continues, the CGPJ led by Rafael Mozo is already exploring answers to try to anticipate as much as possible and ward off the impending collapse. Members of the conservative sector have publicly urged to seek them out, at the same time they appealed to the Government with the goal of returning them to their full capacity to fill the void slope. According to the sources consulted, one of the legal loopholes that CGPJ can take advantage of is to apply the criteria for unity of procedure as a suitable formula for the success of the inauguration with candidates waiting in line and the election being continued. through the plenary session. . Several Supreme Court judges were quoted by the media that consulted citing this budget.